{"id":2546,"date":"2021-10-14T09:10:00","date_gmt":"2021-10-14T07:10:00","guid":{"rendered":"http:\/\/herito.pl\/?post_type=artykul&p=2546"},"modified":"2022-06-13T13:42:56","modified_gmt":"2022-06-13T11:42:56","slug":"remembering-an-industrialists-atlantis","status":"publish","type":"artykul","link":"https:\/\/herito.pl\/en\/artykul\/remembering-an-industrialists-atlantis\/","title":{"rendered":"Remembering an Industrialist\u2019s Atlantis"},"content":{"rendered":"
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\u201cIn Vienna, the regulars come together in \u2018caf\u00e9s\u2019 to discuss the latest political news; in Warsaw, \u2018people\u2019 gather to see each other and flirt lightly; in \u0141\u00f3d\u017a, the tea room is a market, where from morning to night you talk about \u2018business\u2019 calculations are done on marble tables, during the transaction you speak the language of business \u2013 German, and after settling the matter \u2013 Polish or Yiddish \u2026 Each situation has its own language \u2013 appropriate to the moment \u2013 which is spoken by the inhabitants of \u0141\u00f3d\u017a.\u201d<\/strong>[1]<\/a><\/p>\n

This is one of the observations made in a journalistic sketch at the beginning of the 20th century by Stefan G\u00f3rski, better known under the pseudonym, Micha\u0142 Na\u0142\u0119cz. The city \u2013 a microcosm of the world and civilisation \u2013 is a space, social structure and history of the individual and the community. Apart from the physical dimension (a defined territory, streets, buildings\u2026) the city is also the community\u2019s \u201csystem\u201d of life: the language, code of behaviour, tradition, model of existence of its inhabitants and their everyday activity. \u0141\u00f3d\u017a at the turn of the 20th century was a multi-cultural town developing at a dizzying pace. It owed its rapid dynamics of change to its exceptional concentration of capital and industry, mainly textiles, within the then Kingdom of Poland. Successive generations of industrial bourgeoisie determined the character of the city. \u201c\u0141\u00f3d\u017a, in spite of the fact that it is neither a country nor a state, has its own people, known from the German as lodzermenschen<\/em>,\u201d wrote Stefan Gorski. \u201cTheir original homeland was Germany. Their long, several-generational stay in our country eventually transformed their German patriotism, but the end point was not Polish nationality. They are people who are usually without political principles. They found their homeland in \u0141\u00f3d\u017a. It was here that they gained their livelihood and positions. They became attached to the city and today are very patriotic lodzermenschen<\/em>.\u201d[2]<\/a><\/p>\n

The\u00a0term \u201clodzermensch\u201d, which is the\u00a0same in German and Yiddish, is a\u00a0historically closed concept coloured with ironic connotations. It\u00a0constitutes a\u00a0type of strongly rooted myth linked with the\u00a0development of the\u00a0city, a\u00a0kind of clich\u00e9 clarifying the\u00a0speci\ufb01c nature of the\u00a0Central European industrial metropolis at\u00a0the threshold of modernity, a\u00a0notion that allows social identi\ufb01cation. It\u00a0is synonymous with the\u00a0brutal egoism that is appropriate for the\u00a0nouveaux riches in a\u00a0land of great competition. Lodzermensch<\/em> is also a\u00a0literary creation. The\u00a0term appeared for the\u00a0\ufb01rst time in the\u00a0novel Bawe\u0142na<\/em> (Cotton) by Wincenty Kosiakiewicz, writing in Kurier Warszawski, Tygodnik Ilustrowany, as well as other news-papers and journals. It\u00a0is impossible not to mention W\u0142adys\u0142aw Reymont\u2019s novel Ziemia obiecana<\/em> (The Promised Land), \ufb01rst published in Kurier Codzienny (1897\u20131898), and then for the\u00a0\ufb01rst time in book form in Warsaw in 1899, as well as the\u00a0two \ufb01lm versions by Aleksander Hertz (1927) and Andrzej Wajda (1974), the\u00a0latter which was nominated for an\u00a0Oscar. It\u00a0is these \ufb01lms which have had the\u00a0strongest in\ufb02uence on the\u00a0contemporary understanding of this word.<\/p>\n

During a discussion which took place in 1998 in the editorial board of Tygiel Kultury<\/em>, Krzysztof Wo\u017aniak drew attention to the difference between the oral transmission of the lodzermensche<\/em> and the image created by literature: \u201cIn workers\u2019 stories, [lodzermensch<\/em>] is always a person who is, above all, hard-working and resourceful, but also takes care of the little ones; he tries to embrace working class districts, schools, nurseries and pharmacies etc. with his paternalism. However, the literary myth only presents a morally degraded figure. Let us add one more thing, that in all literary transmissions, the heroes become lodzermensche <\/em>at the moment that they abandon their hitherto world of values, and leave their family roots. In \u0141\u00f3d\u017a they find another god, the god of money and success, and they are prepared to serve this god in whichever way they can.\u201d[3]<\/a> The historian also drew attention to contemporary usage of the term lodzermensch<\/em> as a strictly historical term: \u201cTwo years ago, with Doctor Thomas Fuks, a sociologist from Kassel, we took a closer look at the environment of those contemporary \u0141\u00f3d\u017a residents who admit to German roots. We asked our interviewees, among other things, about who a lodzermensch<\/em> is, whether respondents identified with them in any way, how they \u2018read\u2019 this figure, with what and whom they associate this figure. To our surprise, the oldest people, grouped around the Niemieckie Towarzystwo Spo\u0142eczno-Kulturalne<\/em> (German Socio-Cultural Society<\/em>) didn\u2019t feel any connection with this literary \u2013 or oral \u2013 myth of the lodzermensche<\/em>. It is clear that it is an alien concept, which no longer functions. Almost everyone drew attention to the fact that it is a term that is linguistically incorrect, its plural form is unacceptable. [\u2026] We were clearly given to understand that this concept functioned in the Jewish community, and if it still functions today it is precisely in the relations of people with German roots linked with people of Jewish origin. We were assured that this concept is not common currency among modern German \u0141\u00f3d\u017a inhabitants.\u201d[4]<\/a><\/p>\n

A lodzermensch<\/em> is a person without nationality, without a religion, deprived of their own roots \u2013 a cosmopolite, but also, which is usually emphasised strongly, a \u0141\u00f3d\u017a patriot, and at the same time, co-creator and master of the city, whose sense of their own worth was reflected in culture. Jerzy Grohman, the last descendant of an industrial \u0141\u00f3d\u017a family, characterised the phenomenon aptly, taking into account the migrational-generational development of \u0141\u00f3d\u017a society, the evolution of attitudes amongst lodzermensche<\/em> over time, and finally the danger of oversimplifying the concept: \u201cThis was a generation that I knew, and I am talking about the generation of my father; it had no national ties with Germany. It was already well-educated after higher education in England, Switzerland, Germany, Russia, Riga, France. These were not people of Polish culture. Polish culture fascinated them, hence many of them became polonised, eg the Grohman family, but \u2013 generally speaking \u2013 culture is patriotism and history. In that sense, they were not Polish patriots, but felt a tie with the place where they lived. And it was a strange place \u2026 we had German emigration, which lost contact with Germany. The Jewish community is a separate issue. The Jews always maintained certain ties, which were not really conducive to assimilation. [\u2026] Were there industrialists who exploited workers? There were. Were there ones who didn\u2019t exploit? There were too. There were those who cared about them, and there were those who didn\u2019t. Let\u2019s talk about patriotism now. Could one expect patriotism from the German element? No. The Russian element? No. The Polish? Well, probably not. But one could expect something else, and that was loyalty. Lodzermensche<\/em> were not just industrialists, but also master craftsmen, and office workers. In the years before the First World War, most offices were staffed by Germans, even in Jewish firms. It was characteristic that in companies owned by Rosenblatt and Kohn, directors and senior management were not Jews or Poles, but Germans.\u201d[5]<\/a> A moment later Grohman added: \u201cIn the \u0141\u00f3d\u017a situation, these lodzermensche<\/em> were carriers of culture; they were the ones who went to the theatre, they were the ones who were responsible for \u0141\u00f3d\u017a having one of the best philharmonic orchestras in Poland, one of the best in Europe. Where today in Europe can you see whole rows of listeners at concerts holding sheet music? This happened in \u0141\u00f3d\u017a. I saw it and remember it. It was in \u0141\u00f3d\u017a that these lodzermensche<\/em> bought paintings \u2013 both Scheibler and Grohman bought paintings \u2026\u201d[6]<\/a><\/p>\n

To somewhat simplify, it could be stated that we are dealing with three generations of industrial bourgeoisie in \u0141\u00f3d\u017a. In the 1870s and 1880s, the Scheiblers, Poznanskis, Geyers, Heinzels and Konstadts belonged to the strict elite of \u0141\u00f3d\u017a. In the last decade of the century, successive industrialists strengthened their positions, including: Silberstein, Biedermann, Grohman, Kon and Rozenblatt. Up until the First World War, industry, and by the same token, the town, developed without major disruptions. After the war, the world of the industrial bourgeoisie underwent a crisis caused, amongst other things, by the loss of eastern markets. Shortly afterwards, however, the industrial elite rediscovered itself in a new situation, changed its style of operation \u2013 and it was then that the first concerns (business groups) were established. The Schweikerts, Eitingons, Bennichs, and above all, Karol Rajmund Eisert, gained in importance.<\/p>\n

The\u00a0development of cultural life in an\u00a0industrial town devoid of traditions and concentrated around factories proceeded slowly and not without difficulty. Gradually, the\u00a0increasingly well-educated, enriched middle-class began to feel a\u00a0need for contact with art, aspiring, on the\u00a0one hand, to Western European bourgeois standards, while on the\u00a0other, endeavouring to be closer to the\u00a0Polish aristocracy, and adopted upper class standards and models with varying degrees of success.<\/p>\n

Art, generally understood only as decoration, constituted the\u00a0\u201ccover\u201d of life. It\u00a0was an\u00a0expression of splendour and social position. In\u00a0order to illustrate the\u00a0character of \u0141\u00f3d\u017a industrial architecture, it is worth looking at\u00a0two industrial establishments \u2013 family empires of sorts \u2013 located at\u00a0two opposite ends of town. Both built in the\u00a01870s and gradually extended in the\u00a01880s, these industrial-housing complexes with their forms and scale in\ufb02uenced further development of the\u00a0city and the\u00a0later character of the\u00a0urban \u201cinterior\u201d. The\u00a0\ufb01rst of these was Scheibler\u2019s \u201cterritory\u201d, whilst the\u00a0second was a\u00a0\u201cdistrict\u201d in the\u00a0north-west-ern part of the\u00a0town de\ufb01ned by the\u00a0building activity of Izrael Kalmanowicz Pozna\u0144ski.<\/p>\n

The\u00a0related Scheibler, Grohman and Herbst families were the\u00a0biggest \ufb01nancial and industrial tycoons in \u0141\u00f3d\u017a. The\u00a0industrial-residential complex at\u00a0Ksi\u0119\u017cy M\u0142yn in Jasieni Valley \u2013 also known as Pffafendorf \u2013 is an\u00a0establishment with a\u00a0layout that is characteristic for the\u00a0town, constituting (not just for its inhabitants) a\u00a0sort of microcosm: residence \u2013 factory \u2013 workers\u2019 estates, soon to be enriched by community buildings: school, shops, and also a\u00a0\ufb01re station.<\/p>\n

In 1872, Izrael Kalmanowicz Pozna\u0144ski began building a cotton spinning mill in the valley of the \u0141\u00f3dka River. It was a brick building with medieval defensive motifs and early renaissance forms. The factory was the first element of a gradually constructed complex, into which one entered through a monumental cast-iron gate. Today, that gate welcomes visitors into the revitalized Manufaktura<\/em> complex. Successive industrial buildings, workers\u2019 houses and the owner\u2019s residence were gradually constructed. Four grand urban palaces are linked with the Pozna\u0144ski family: that of Izrael Pozna\u0144ski on Ogrodowa Street, which gained its current neo-baroque form during conversion at the beginning of the 20th century; a relatively modest residence built as the dowry for his daughter Anna and her husband Jakub Hert on Spacerowa Street; the neo-Renaissance palace of Maurycy Pozna\u0144ski on Cegielniana Street, modelled on the Venetian Sansovina Library; and also Karol Pozna\u0144ski\u2019s magnificent palace, according to the design of Adolf Zeligson on Gda\u0144ska Street.<\/p>\n

Other manufacturers trod similar paths: at\u00a0the end of the\u00a019th century, a\u00a0dozen or so large sever-al-story factories, gradually-emerging roadside pal-aces and rich town houses became inscribed into the\u00a0\u0141\u00f3d\u017a landscape. The\u00a0industrialists ful\ufb01lled their aesthetic needs by, above all, building grand residences. Home and garden were cut off\u00a0 from the\u00a0public space. They protected their private lives in residences that were often surrounded by a\u00a0garden, which al-lowed them to forget about the\u00a0ugliness of the\u00a0city and roads without sewers and pavements. The\u00a0private sphere remained hidden behind a\u00a0veil of spectacular celebrations and ostentatious luxury and wealth.<\/p>\n

The typical industrialist\u2019s interior was distinguished by a specific repertoire of neo-styles. The so-called \u201cOld German\u201d style was supposed to confirm the power of the family and its roots in tradition. In the hall, there were pseudo-Renaissance benches, Gda\u0144sk wardrobes and \u201cVenetian\u201d chairs. In the room of the master of the house, the central position was occupied by a huge desk, a leather-covered armchair as well as a huge bookcase. There was often a panelled ceiling which had a reference to modern decorative schemes (eg serlia\u0144ski<\/em> motifs). The living room had vibrant colours and was furnished with a \u201csuit\u201d of gilded or white furniture in the style of Louis XV. On the walls were hung paintings in richly gilded frames; \u201calabaster accessories\u201d were popular. Numerous etageres, jardini\u00e8res and display cabinets filled with trinkets were eagerly erected. Those most committed to fashion designed rooms in an oriental fashion: Chinese, Japanese or Moorish. When arranging the interiors of their houses, industrialists made use of handbooks that were popular in the second half of the 19th century with ready designs of fitting and decorations of ceilings, walls and floors \u2013 Franz Schwenke\u2019s or Ferdinand Luthmer\u2019s \u201ctemplates\u201d would probably have been used. Constanze von Franken\u2019s popular savoir-vivre<\/em> handbook would also have been consulted. The author gives advice on sofas, tables and clean plant pots on the windowsill. Moreover, a significant portion relates to hanging paintings and arranging statues in the living room. Symbols of the textile industry and trade that began to appear in houses should be considered characteristic of \u0141\u00f3d\u017a: allegorical figures made of bronze and models of factories \u2013 being the source of income of the hosts \u2013 situated in key locations. An analysis of the fittings and d\u00e9cor of industrialist interiors constitutes an interesting contribution to deliberations on the process of development of the artistic tastes of the rich bourgeoisie and the transformation of their mentality.<\/p>\n

Lodzermensche<\/em> acquired works of art corresponding to aesthetically conservative stereotypes, often treating them as a profitable capital investment. With time, collecting became a moral imperative, a social requirement, a matter of fashion and confirmation of lifestyle. Works were brought to \u0141\u00f3d\u017a from auctions in Berlin and Vienna, were eagerly bought in Zach\u0119ta in Warsaw, as well as in artistic salons in \u0141\u00f3d\u017a. During his first stay in \u0141\u00f3d\u017a in April 1914, Wojciech Kossak wrote to Zofia Hoesickowa: \u201cIt is I, that gadabout who roams the world, I, Kossak, here in \u0141\u00f3d\u017a! Well, what do you say? [\u2026] What am I to do? Lodzermensche<\/em> can\u2019t get enough of my art, so may the Lord God grant them health and a lot of money\u201d[7]<\/a>.<\/p>\n

Real art collections of the \u0141\u00f3d\u017a industrial bourgeoisie began to be established in the late-19th century. They were the \u201ccreatures\u201d of the second or third generation of manufacturers \u2013 educated and knowledgeable about the world thanks to European travel and studies. As a result of consciously developed interests, several (larger) collections of works of art were established in \u0141\u00f3d\u017a as well as several or even a dozen or so smaller nascent ones. Henryk Grohman, Wilhelm L\u00fcrkens and Karol Rajmund Eisert, who systematically built up collections, can most certainly be numbered amongst competent acquirers, contemplating, seeking meaning, analysing and interpreting works. This attitude can also be found in the collecting activities of Teresa Silberstein; paintings by Che\u0142mo\u0144ski, Brandt, Podkowi\u0144ski, Bozna\u0144ski, sculptures by Glicenstein and Dunikowski, now to be found in the Polish Museum in Rapperswil, originate from her collection. Juliusz Teodor Heinzel, Baron von Hohenfels could also boast valuable collections, and was the owner of paintings by Siemiradzki and Courbet.<\/p>\n

Henryk Grohman holds a\u00a0special place amongst \u0141\u00f3d\u017a industrialist collectors. His\u00a0artistic interests were broad: he collected European and eastern ceramics, a\u00a0variety of orientalia, sheet music and valuable musical instruments (including a\u00a0lost during the\u00a0Second World War\u00a0Stradivarius violin). His\u00a0great-est collecting passion, however, was graphic art. The\u00a0graphic art collection, which was begun in 1904, encompasses original works by \u2013 for the\u00a0most part \u2013 foreign and Polish artists who were Grohman\u2019s con-temporaries. He\u00a0kept his collection in his offi\u00a0 ce at\u00a0the house on Tymienieckiego Street. The\u00a0offi ce was probably designed by Otto Wagner\u2019s son around 1910, with decor alluding stylistically to the\u00a0Joseph Hoffmann circle of the\u00a0late Vienna Secession. Grohman put real passion into creating a\u00a0collection numbering about 1300 works of black-and-white art of great artistic and cognitive value. The\u00a0works collected in it, today exhibited at\u00a0the Library Print Room of Warsaw University, present an\u00a0extensive panorama of trends and tendencies in European graphic art of the\u00a0second half of the\u00a019th and the\u00a0beginning of the\u00a020th century.<\/p>\n

Born in Eupen on the German-French border, Wilhelm L\u00fcrkens was the owner of a hosiery factory and a three-story mansion nearby. The great area and height of the rooms in it are reminiscent of the old gallery. Although L\u00fcrkens did not belong to the strict financial elite of the city, the quality of the collected works is noteworthy. According to some sources, he was the owner of paintings by Constable, Sisley, Degas, Renoir, Thoma and Slevogt, amongst others.<\/p>\n

Karol Rajmund Eisert, grandson of Jan Gottlob, who had come to Poland from Saxony, was picky and cautious when buying a work of art. In 1938 his son Harry Eisert, in accordance with the will of his dead father, donated his collection to the Museum of Art in \u0141\u00f3d\u017a. Unfortunately, most of the paintings went missing during the war \u2013 including works of the Italian school: a diptych associated with the Gentile da Fabriano School from the first half of the 15th century, a painting from the School of Ferrara, dating to about 1470, Madonna z Dzieci\u0105tkiem i liliami <\/em>(Madonna with Child and Lilies<\/em>), as well as works of other northern European artists, including Jacob Jordaens and Jan Steen.<\/p>\n

The histories of paintings \u2013 which often figure in the popular consciousness \u2013 such as Pikieta powsta\u0144cza<\/em> (Insurrectionary Patrol<\/em>) by Maksymilian Gierymski (the National Museum in Warsaw), Targ na kwiaty przed ko\u015bcio\u0142em \u015bw. Magdaleny w Pary\u017cu<\/em> (The Flower Market in front of the Madeleine Church in Paris<\/em>) by J\u00f3zef Pankiewicz (the National Museum in Poznan), Szko\u0142a talmudyst\u00f3w <\/em>(The Talmud School<\/em>) by Samuel Hirszenberg (the National Museum in Krakow), Zamek Chillon <\/em>(Chillon Castle<\/em>) by Gustave Courbet (the National Museum in Gda\u0144sk), Ryby <\/em>(Fish) <\/em>by Giuseppe Recco or Sztorm <\/em>(Storm<\/em>) by Iwan Ajwazowski (Museum of Art in \u0141\u00f3d\u017a) \u2013 constitute part of the landscape of the \u0141\u00f3d\u017a created by industrialist collectors: they defy stereotypes, they remind us of the identity of the town. They tell the story of the \u0141\u00f3d\u017a Atlantis, a world that disappeared forever after the Second World War.<\/p>\n

Translated from the Polish by George Lisowski<\/em><\/p>\n

***<\/p>\n

[1]<\/a> Stefan Gorski [Micha\u0142 Na\u0142\u0119cz], \u0141\u00f3d\u017a sp\u00f3\u0142czesna. Obrazy i szkice publicystyczne<\/em>, \u0141\u00f3d\u017a 1904, p. 12\u201313.<\/p>\n

[2]<\/a> Ibidem, p. 21\u201322.<\/p>\n

[3]<\/a> Interviews in <\/em>\u201c<\/em>Tygiel\u201d: Lodzermensch \u2013 historia i mit<\/em>, ed. Luiza Skawi\u0144ska and Ziemowit Skibi\u0144ski, Tygiel Kultury 1998, nr 3\u20134, p. 33.<\/p>\n

[4]<\/a> Ibidem, p. 36\u201337.<\/p>\n

[5]<\/a> Ibidem, p. 34.<\/p>\n

[6]<\/a> Ibidem, p. 35.<\/p>\n

[7]<\/a> Wojciech Kossak, Listy do \u017cony i przyjaci\u00f3\u0142 1883\u20131942<\/em>, ed. Kazimierz Olsza\u0144ski, Krak\u00f3w\u2013Wroc\u0142aw 1985, vol. 2: 1908\u20131942, p. 134.<\/p>\n<\/div>\r\n\r\n <\/div>\r\n <\/div>\r\n <\/div>\r\n<\/section>\r\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"","protected":false},"featured_media":2289,"parent":0,"menu_order":0,"template":"","meta":{"_acf_changed":false,"inline_featured_image":false,"footnotes":""},"tags":[1054,415,337,556],"region":[],"kraj":[],"magazyn":[235],"class_list":["post-2546","artykul","type-artykul","status-publish","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","tag-central-europe-en-en","tag-city","tag-history","tag-industry","magazyn-herito-08en"],"acf":[],"yoast_head":"\nRemembering an Industrialist\u2019s Atlantis - herito<\/title>\n<meta name=\"description\" content=\"\u201cIn Vienna, the regulars come together in \u2018caf\u00e9s\u2019 to discuss the latest political news; in Warsaw, \u2018people\u2019 gather to see each other and flirt lightly; in \u0141\u00f3d\u017a, the tea room is a market, where from morning to night you talk about \u2018business\u2019 calculations are done on marble tables, during the transaction you speak the language of business \u2013 German, and after settling the matter \u2013 Polish or Yiddish \u2026 Each situation has its own language \u2013 appropriate to the moment \u2013 which is spoken by the inhabitants of \u0141\u00f3d\u017a.\u201d[1]\" \/>\n<meta name=\"robots\" content=\"index, follow, max-snippet:-1, max-image-preview:large, max-video-preview:-1\" \/>\n<link rel=\"canonical\" href=\"https:\/\/herito.pl\/en\/artykul\/remembering-an-industrialists-atlantis\/\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:locale\" content=\"en_US\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:type\" content=\"article\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:title\" content=\"Remembering an Industrialist\u2019s Atlantis - herito\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:description\" content=\"\u201cIn Vienna, the regulars come together in \u2018caf\u00e9s\u2019 to discuss the latest political news; 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