{"id":2565,"date":"2021-10-14T09:43:31","date_gmt":"2021-10-14T07:43:31","guid":{"rendered":"http:\/\/herito.pl\/?post_type=artykul&p=2565"},"modified":"2022-06-14T14:28:00","modified_gmt":"2022-06-14T12:28:00","slug":"2565-2","status":"publish","type":"artykul","link":"https:\/\/herito.pl\/en\/artykul\/2565-2\/","title":{"rendered":"Two Slovakias"},"content":{"rendered":"
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Paraphrasing Witold Gobrowicz and using some of his formulations, a Slovak also had to be defended from Slovakia. To be liberated from the narrow, local Slovak reality and make him free and spiritually mature, capable of dealing with history and the world.<\/strong><\/p>\n

\u201cWe, the participants of the round table of the Slovak Motherland, appeal to the President of the Slovak Republic, to the future parliament and government, to [\u2026] end the polarisation of Slovak society.\u201d This categorical demand to stop the polarisation of Slovak society appears as article five of the declaration issued by participants of the so\u2011called round table of Slovak intelligentsia held on January 13th 2012, and organised by a social and cultural institution which is evidently anachronous today, although historically very important and with many achievements to its credit \u2013 the Slovak Motherland. In other words, an institution which \u2013 in an independent state! \u2013 is basing its programme on defending the interests of the Slovak nation and creating an impression that it represents one part of this divided society. We should put it more clearly: the Motherland presents a vision of the nation threatened by Hungarians and the Hungarian minority in Slovakia, and attacks anti\u2011national, not zealous enough and less patriotically committed Slovaks, especially from artistic, academic and intellectual circles highly regarded abroad. The postulate \u00a0quoted above is just one of ten articles of the declaration, addressed in January 2012 to the winners of the early parliamentary elections held in March \u2013 the left\u2011wing Smer Party and the president supported by it, known as thinking in national terms and feeling in social security terms. The participants of the round table (I assume that they were sitting on one side of it, for they were among their own) \u2013 or to put it in another way: those fighting for the rights of Slovaks in a sovereign state (although, luckily, Slovakia is a member state of the European Union) \u2013 are speaking to the Slovak intelligentsia, representatives of numerous groups and societies, the Church and political parties: \u201cIt is important that the coming elections should be a test of our education, foresight, patriotism and higher feelings for the nation. For its roots, native language, its tradition and culture. It is here that the brotherly love of a Slovak to a Slovak is manifested, that the age\u2011long national self\u2011education is attested to. For the Slovak Republic belongs to the Slovak nation and all its citizens.\u201d Hence the defenders of the Slovak Republic claim that \u201cwe should protect it, guard its honour and see to it that the role of its deputies and government members would be played by serious, educated representatives devoted to the nation\u201d.<\/p>\n

This is how, in the\u00a0 early 21st century but in 19th\u2011century language (although it seems to me that the vocabulary was richer then), advocates of one Slovakia appealed to the future rules to bring in line (once and for all, if possible) the other Slovakia, still nationalistically passive and slumbering after 22 years of independence. They called for ending the polarisation of society, which they themselves sparked off in the early days of democracy. The Velvet Revolution in late 1989 (in which they took absolutely no part) gave these people (many of them former communists and secret police officers) an opportunity to use nationalist rhetoric in order to transform themselves into eager defenders and guardians of the repressed, threatened nation and to impose a distorted, one\u2011sided vision, the implementation of which would resolve the problems of Slovak society, pathologically divided. Divided thanks to them.<\/p>\n

It would be untrue to say that the declaration of the representatives of this anachronous institution had any significant impact on voters, proletarians and working intelligentsia, to use communist terminology. But it reflects the way of thinking characteristic for some part of society, its mentality \u2013 the part bent on isolation, closing, anti\u2011democracy and authoritarian tendencies; a mentality which of course has its roots in the past. It is true that when the independent state was established in 1993, Slovakia chose above all old, provincial notions, an antiquated, isolationist mentality, on social patterns which soon acquired a simplified label: Me\u010diarism (owed to the Slovak leader of the division of Czechy\u2011Slovakia and later prime minister of the Slovak Republic, Vladim\u00edr Me\u010diar; the Czech prime minister was then V\u00e1clav Klaus, also an advocate of the split). This tendency characterised the Slovak discord for eight years and was only released from its bear\u2011hug in 1998. The Slovaks, or rather most of them, came to believe by then that the slogan much used until that time, \u201cwe don\u2019t want what\u2019s not ours, we won\u2019t give away what\u2019s ours\u201d, led to permanent isolation, to becoming a backwater on the peripheries, not only in Central Europe.<\/p>\n

Paraphrasing Witold Gobrowicz and using some of his formulations (from Polish Memories and the\u00a0novel Trans-Atlantyk), a\u00a0Slovak also had to be defended from Slovakia. To\u00a0be liberated from the\u00a0narrow, local Slovak reality and make him free and spiritually mature, capable of dealing with history and the\u00a0world. The\u00a0words of Gombrowicz that \u201ca\u00a0nation is not just something beautiful and glorious \u2013 it is also something dangerous, something you have to be wary of\u201d, seem all the\u00a0more right. This message, dedicated by Gombrowicz to friends of the\u00a0old order, which also means to the\u00a0closed society, unfortunately even today is no less relevant in our part of the\u00a0world than during times when it was pronounced (in a\u00a0different historical context).<\/p>\n

The aim of this text is not a historical retrospective reaching back to the emergence of modern Central European nations \u2013 even if this is where the roots of mental stereotypes and cultural patterns are located. But I will put forward a certain simplification: the founder of the Slovak nation and its national identity, codifier of the Slovak language, builder of national ideology and mythology, the first professional Slovak politician, the great Slovak from schoolbooks, \u013dudov\u00edt \u0160t\u00far, injected a number of important elements which later brought more damage than benefits into the structure of Slovak identity. Tsar-loving pan-Ruthenianism, negation of Western liberalism, anti-Hungarianism as well as anti-Polonism stemming from an adoration of pan-Ruthenianism, authoritarianism, anti-Semitism \u2013 these are just part of the mental stereotypes, which for 150 years were slumbering or perhaps hidden in the deep layers of the collective subconscious, to come back with a vengeance after 1989 \u2013 during times of freedom! Although it would be easy to find analogies in Central Europe (Polish and Hungarian), if we stay within the small Czech-Slovak world, the phobias named above will be much more pronounced in Slovakia (in the Czech Republic after 1989 a similar problem resounded in the relationship \u201cCzechs versus Germans\u201d, and today on \u201cthe koruna versus the euro\u201d level, or perhaps in the context of ratifying the Lisbon Treaty, assessing the functioning of the European financial mechanism and aid for countries particularly affected by the crisis).<\/p>\n

The organisers of the round table of the Slovak Motherland undoubtedly referred to the historical stereotypes described above, although above all to the ideology of the desired national unity, which dominated in the Slovak state during the Second World War. To quote Ernest Renan, the late 19th\u2011century French expert on the subject of nations, I believe that \u201cunity is always a result of restrictions\u201d. Also, the guardians of the nation apparently dream of such a unity, in the name of collective and state (and hence government) paternalism, constraining the autonomy of individuals and minorities. They also encourage the rulers to make other \u201cdemands\u201d: for nationalism to become a renewal programme of the future government, featuring \u2013 without beating about the bush \u2013 exclusively tested \u201crepresentatives devoted to the nation\u201d. It brings to mind the actions of the late radical, Istv\u00e1n Csurka, who wanted to verify the Hungarian pedigree of citizens by way of blood analysis. He soon found Slovak followers, who would be most happy to \u201cstudy\u201d the genealogical tree of \u201cnot zealous enough and less patriotically committed\u201d artists and intellectuals.<\/p>\n

The good old fellow-traveller of all totalitarianisms, nationalism, the ideology of a closed society, reached the peak of its popularity in Slovakia quite recently: in 1993, when the independent state was built. Its founders wanted everyone to be happy with independence \u2013 even if it was not based on purely democratic foundations but on personal interest. I mean here the privatisation or rather the theft disguised as privatisation, with the incredibly huge and not very transparent ownership transfers, in practice meaning a distribution of government property based on personal decisions. This process led to the emergence (what a neutral word to define this barbarity!) of modern aristocratic families, financial empires and even the mafia. One of the retired national veterans described this phenomenon with another graceful, neutral and euphemistic term: the emergence of the Slovak capital\u2011generating class. During the pioneering privatisation of the late 1990s, the Hungarian sociologist Iv\u00e1n Szel\u00e9nyi openly spoke about a huge bank robbery. He found it impossible to believe that privatisation was not controlled by the new political elites, which, according to him, had struck an alliance with a significant part of the old, mainly communist, economic elites.<\/p>\n

Privatisation was accompanied by the process of Slovakia becoming mono-ethnic, although national minorities, rightly anxious about being legally deprived of their identity, still constitute more than 15 per cent of citizens. The majority, which did not take a direct part in appropriating the national assets, was thrown some scraps, which it could fill its stomach with and ignore its poverty. National collectivism was built on fears concerning the nation, territory, borders, minorities \u2013 all this became a fertile ground for prejudice, traumas, inhibitions as well as populism, fed to the people in a masterful way. When the people woke up from the allegedly epoch-making dream, the national assets had been privatised, that is stolen. The people had become poorer, and the state richer. And then a national pastime was offered: fighting the anti-national Slovaks and Hungarians, building a nation-state despite the multi-ethnicity of society, creating a closed society. The fact that citizens voting for Vladim\u00edr Me\u010diar (who in the meantime vanished without a trace) accepted this rhetoric does not surprise anyone. The fact that the social-democratic Smer was singing to a nationalist tune until the 2012 elections, is not something the Slovak Left should be proud of (leaving aside its proletarian and internationalist pedigree). With more than a little help from nationalist populism, Smer became the leading political force in Slovakia, which undoubtedly is a matter worthy of a separate reflection.<\/p>\n

Another thing requiring a separate analysis is the provocation of anti\u2011Roma feelings. This development is the flip side of racist populism, wrapped up in a repressive social agenda. It is presented by some Slovak right\u2011wing parties with silent approval of the Left. Lack of respect for human rights is only a side effect of this worldview, where the two parts of the divided Slovakia \u2013 with minor exceptions \u2013 find mutual understanding.<\/p>\n

This left\u2011wing nationalism attracted my attention when I\u00a0served as deputy prime minister for human rights and ethnic minorities. In\u00a0the\u00a0Summer of 2011, I\u00a0introduced in parliament an\u00a0amendment to the\u00a0law on the\u00a0languages of ethnic minorities, aimed at\u00a0expanding their use in line with European standards. The\u00a0Smer deputies \u2013 Social Democrats \u2013 exhibited a\u00a0significant dose of intolerance. Their behaviour may only be compared to the\u00a0excesses of the\u00a0radical nationalist party, the\u00a0Slovak National Party (Slovensk\u00e1 n\u00e1rodn\u00e1 strana), invited by Smer four years ago to the\u00a0government coalition. I\u00a0invoke this only seemingly personal experience in order to explain that until 2012, left\u2011wing policy in Slovakia had a\u00a0nationalist, anti\u2011European bent and manifested a\u00a0marked isolationist tendency. It\u00a0changed (after \u201cconsultations\u201d with Western European partners, as well as a\u00a0result of the\u00a0economic crisis) just before the\u00a0recent elections. Not\u00a0only for these reasons is it very doubtful whether these changes were credible and natural. But\u00a0are there any credible things in politics?<\/p>\n

In Slovak history a tradition of a closed, non-democratic, totalitarian model of society always dominated. The principal reason was that the development process of Slovak society was always accompanied by a constant feeling of insecurity, more in the national than the social sense. This feeling was to support the unity, cohesion of the nation, meaning its isolation. The totalitarian themes in Slovak history, fascist and communist, virtually removed the word \u201cpluralism\u201d from Slovak vocabulary. The world-renowned great Slovak linguist and Slavist, \u013dubom\u00edr \u010eurovi\u010d, an advocate of open Slovakia (it was no accident that he spent half a century in exile), very aptly defined our 20th-century problem. He said that \u201cthe ideal of national integrity and unity is very prestigious\u201d, as witnessed by the nature of Slovak historiography, folklore, art, practices of numerous churches etc. To disrupt this unity is \u201cin our awareness something reprehensible\u201d. In 1984 \u013dubom\u00edr \u010eurovi\u010d repeated that \u201cthe way to a renewal of democracy leads through a renewal of the integrity of an individual\u201d like a mantra. Decades later this claim is as relevant and true as ever.<\/p>\n

It is only seemingly a paradox that when after 1989 we were to climb the train of open society journeying towards a renewal of democracy, the above-mentioned fellow traveller of all totalitarianisms and nationalism, entered the stage. This is not confined to Slovakia, as the countries of Central Europe have much in common with each other: historical traumas, mutual isolation or to be more blunt, conflict, aversion or antipathy for their neighbours, the problem of minorities, conflicting ways of assessing the common past, collective efforts at ethnic domination limiting the freedom of individuals and minorities, etc. Ethnicity, nationalism, religion and identity politics \u2013 these are of course integrating but also divisive factors; they create an image of the enemy, they cannot bear disappointments, and they require faith. It is perhaps for this reason that, for many former communists, the 1989 transformation proved remarkably easy: they traded one \u201cfaith\u201d for another, which in our country had the advantage that nationalism became part of the privatisation processes described above. Whoever held power (proponents of Me\u010diarism and their likes), pronounced himself to be a national or, in the parlance from that period, a pro-national person. In the end, he became not only national but also rich. And of course he didn\u2019t need the nation any more.<\/p>\n

The other part of society (the open, democratic one) perhaps did not protest against the independent state (although it wanted to live in a more competitive Czech\u2011Slovak environment) or the nation as such, but criticised its \u201cfounding fathers\u201d and executors of privatisation. To put it more clearly, it protested against the regime, the non\u2011democratic regime of Me\u010diar. Those who rejected this regime will always live under the suspicion that they are not national enough or simply anti\u2011national, even if Me\u010diar and his privatising team have long been on a \u201cwell\u2011deserved\u201d vacation. Because in that period the nascent democracy in the newly founded Slovak state had many gaps, nationalism became an important integrating factor for society. Democracy still remains the only method of taking control of nationalism. But in the founding era democracy was very restricted and distinctly marked with state terror. Identifying with such a state was extremely difficult and painful.<\/p>\n

The nation state established in 1992 gravitated towards nationalism, and this meant that the idea of open society only gradually seeped through. In addition, the institutions which protested against open society\u2019s influence in the spheres where it was irreplaceable, found it very hard to have their voice heard in the public space. Thanks to non-governmental organisations, which still form an important factor in building the open society, after 1998 we managed to introduce a number of changes and hold back the impact of the state (that is Me\u010diarism), or to be more precise, of some part of it: the second, closed Slovakia. Social pressure produced by these changes was the actual victory of open society. Under this term, Karl Popper meant a model where those in power are replaced quickly and without harmful consequences, without power struggles and taking on new guises by lots of people. Open society is also based on protecting all minorities, as well as individual rights and liberties \u2013 which means that minorities may easily become the majority. This constitutes the appeal of democracy and of open society in particular. And this is the continuous message for the democratic, open although still marginal Slovakia.<\/p>\n

Both communities, currently functioning in Slovakia separately, until now have luckily avoided a collision. Slovak society generally ignores them, for this subject does not provoke such heated emotions as it did in the 1990s. Today, in the era of consumerism, tackiness, commercialism and soap operas, people are indifferent to such themes. Neither are they interested in clashes between mythical and scholarly interpretations of history, where this dichotomy is probably the most pronounced. But who is interested in the moral condition of society (many people don\u2019t even care for the exchange rate of the euro), democratic, respecting human rights? Who cares about the apathy in which we live? The most important thing is for the president and the government to end the polarisation of society, which doesn\u2019t even know it is divided, although most people know they their standard of living is much below the European average. However, the fate of the national capital\u2011generating class has taken a different course.<\/p>\n

The\u00a0nation is pre\u2011occupied with such matters and although this is something we\u00a0should be wary of, we\u00a0can hardly blame the\u00a0people for such a\u00a0way of thinking.<\/p>\n<\/div>\r\n\r\n <\/div>\r\n <\/div>\r\n <\/div>\r\n<\/section>\r\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"","protected":false},"featured_media":2045,"parent":0,"menu_order":0,"template":"","meta":{"_acf_changed":false,"inline_featured_image":false,"footnotes":""},"tags":[337,111,549],"region":[176],"kraj":[],"magazyn":[233],"class_list":["post-2565","artykul","type-artykul","status-publish","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","tag-history","tag-slovakia","tag-society","region-central-europe","magazyn-herito-09en"],"acf":[],"yoast_head":"\nTwo Slovakias - herito<\/title>\n<meta name=\"description\" content=\"Paraphrasing Witold Gobrowicz and using some of his formulations, a Slovak also had to be defended from Slovakia. 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