{"id":2710,"date":"2021-10-14T11:48:07","date_gmt":"2021-10-14T09:48:07","guid":{"rendered":"http:\/\/herito.pl\/?post_type=artykul&p=2710"},"modified":"2022-06-15T12:28:15","modified_gmt":"2022-06-15T10:28:15","slug":"visegrad-on-the-wane","status":"publish","type":"artykul","link":"https:\/\/herito.pl\/en\/artykul\/visegrad-on-the-wane\/","title":{"rendered":"Visegrad on the Wane"},"content":{"rendered":"
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We are strongly suffering from a lack of \u201cVisegrad projects\u201d, a lack of ideas which could organise a political community of interests. It is true that the frequency of high-level meetings is incomparable with any other regional grouping, but there are no undertakings which would be available, comprehensible and important for the citizens of Visegrad countries. The V4 Group is a pastime for the elites rather than an experience of societies.<\/strong><\/p>\n

The creation of the Visegrad Group was as natural as it was unexpected. Unexpected if we look at it from a long historical perspective. Natural when we analyse the specific historical moment. For integrative tendencies were never an important theme in the narrative of Central Europe. Although there was \u201cGreat Bohemia\u201d when Ladislaus II the P\u0159emyslid reached for the Polish crown and Charles IV the Luxembourg for the crown of the Holy Roman Empire; there was \u201cGreat Hungary\u201d when Lajos I Nagy was crowned in the Wawel Cathedral and placed his daughter on the Polish throne or when Matthias Corvinus brought Silesia and Lower Austria under his rule; there was the period of Jagiellonian domination, when this dynasty simultaneously reigned in Pest, Prague, Krakow and Vilnius, but these were not lasting projects. They emerged from more or less accidental dynastic arrangements or from the bravery and ingenuity of individual rulers. It was always a model of domination. The story of the Central European kingdoms which found themselves within the borders of the Habsburg Empire, Prussia or Russia, ended in full subordination to their mighty neighbours. These integration projects cannot be sensibly compared to the Polish-Lithuanian project, which begun from a political union, and through a personal union led to an actual one \u2013 the Commonwealth of Two Nations \u2013 and lasted for centuries. The last, closing act of this union was the anti-Russian rising in 1863, a drama played out on the territories of today\u2019s Poland, Belarus and Lithuania.<\/p>\n

The\u00a0height of Czech power came in the\u00a013th and 14th century, of Hungarian power in the\u00a014th and 15th century. The\u00a0Polish \u201cgolden\u201d and \u201csilver\u201d era was the\u00a016th century and the\u00a0first half of the\u00a017th century. But the\u00a0whole energy of Poland was directed eastward and northward, focused on the\u00a0devastating rivalry with Moscow and Sweden, on the\u00a0de\u2011 fence against Turkey and the\u00a0Crimean Horde. Once the\u00a0domination of the\u00a0Habsburgs in Bohemia and Hungary started, the\u00a0southern direction of the\u00a0Polish policy gradually vanished.<\/p>\n

When we take a bird\u2019s-eye view of the history of the Visegrad countries in the last century, we may speak of a certain community of fate. An important element of it was a long-term lack of political sovereignty. It was brought back by the First World War. Poland, Czechoslovakia and Hungary became states belonging to the Versailles order, in various ways painful for each of these countries. Poland entered independence with borders won in risings, plebiscites and wars, in conflict with Lithuania, devastated by military activities going on for many years on its territories. Bohemia assumed an unexpected, non-historical shape of a kind of federation with the lands of Upper Hungary and incorporated a powerful German minority. Hungary was dramatically reduced territorially to its ethnic core.<\/p>\n

In the interwar period, relations between these countries were usually chilly or even tense. The Polish national memory still retains the invasion of Teschen Silesia when the very existence of the Polish state was threatened by the war against the Bolsheviks. The Czech memory retains the occupation of these lands by the Polish army under the provisions of the Munich Treaty, which murdered a model democratic state \u2013 the Czechoslovak Republic.<\/p>\n

During the Second World War we found ourselves in opposing camps. In September 1939 Slovak troops marched into Poland arm in arm with the Nazis and Hungarians became Hitler\u2019s allies. Of course judgements on these difficult times without any caveats and without pointing out to various nuances and conditions must seem unjust today, but it does not affect my basic argument. Until Yalta, we were not a community in any sense of the word. But the post-war fate proved common: the Soviet sphere of influence, the taking of power by communists in various ways, forceful industrialisation, Comecon and the Warsaw Pact, and every once in a while a political earthquake ending in military intervention or martial law, followed by a wave of emigration.<\/p>\n

The experience of communism and the miracle of the Autumn of the Nations was certainly a strong integrative factor. But an even stronger factor was the common goal of the Westward push, towards democratic societies and market economy. Such was the essence of the message of the \u201cfounding fathers\u201d \u2013 J\u00f3zsef Antall, V\u00e1clav Havel, Lech Wa\u0142\u0119sa \u2013 signing the memorable declaration at Visegrad Castle in the winter of 1991.<\/p>\n

Formulating common purposes proved more important than joint actions. \u201cVisegrad\u201d as a\u00a0brand turned out to be an\u00a0excellent marketing effort and built a\u00a0 lasting image of the\u00a0 three, and then four, members as leaders of the\u00a0post\u2011communist transition. But there was little real cooperation on the\u00a0way to the\u00a0European Union and NATO. Some even claim that the\u00a0Central European countries only implement\u2011 ed an\u00a0agenda designed in Brussels and Washington and that the\u00a0efforts of the\u00a0local political forces and leaders were of secondary importance. It determined the\u00a0colouring of events but not their course.<\/p>\n

One could point to several reasons for this lack of deeper cooperation. First, the\u00a0original members of the\u00a0 Group were ruthlessly competing against each other \u2013 above all for foreign investment. Each tried to show off its merits or its commitment to re\u2011 form, stressing that they were overtaking their more inept neighbours. Second, some politicians, headed by the\u00a0influential V\u00e1clav Klaus, questioned the\u00a0usefulness of the\u00a0Group, saying that the\u00a0Czech Republic was on a\u00a0different development level and its presence in the\u00a0Visegrad Group was only a\u00a0burden. The\u00a0strong position of nationalists such as Vladim\u00edr Me\u010diar or J\u00e1n Slota undermined Slovak\u2011Hungarian relations and was not conducive to building the\u00a0 Visegrad community.<\/p>\n

The third reason was created by Poland \u2013 a country clearly \u201ctoo big\u201d, one and half times more populous than all three other countries put together. The Poles believed \u2013 although they usually did not expressly say it \u2013 that they were owed leadership for they not only represented the largest country, but they were also the leaders of transition. It was in Poland that the anti-communist opposition had been the strongest and the wall, which collapsed in Berlin, had started shaking. Poland was clearly the poorest and least developed among the countries of the Group and politically unstable to boot. Enough to say that in the 1990s there were nine prime ministers and three presidents.<\/p>\n

A more serious interest in Visegrad as a political initiative appeared during the term of the longest\u2011serving Polish prime minister, Jerzy Buzek (1997\u20132001). The first and so far only Visegrad institution was created \u2013 the Visegrad Fund with its seat in Bratislava. More or less regular meetings of ministers and prime ministers also started.<\/p>\n

The figure of Buzek is significant in the context of Visegrad. We must remember that in Poland only the southern part is connected with the traditions of Danube Europe, the Habsburg world etc. Until now the only high-ranking politician raised in this tradition was Buzek, who grew up in the Teschen Silesia. It is worth pointing out that the city which spawned the biggest number of Polish political leaders is Gda\u0144sk, where such people as Lech Wa\u0142\u0119sa, Aleksander Kwa\u015bniewski, Jaros\u0142aw Kaczy\u0144ski, Donald Tusk, Bogdan Borusewicz and the late Maciej P\u0142a\u017cy\u0144ski were educated or started their career. The Gda\u0144sk experience inevitably makes their political outlook more sensitive to the Baltic area and the importance of relations with Germany or Russia. And president Bronis\u0142aw Komorowski does not make a secret of the fact that he is particularly committed to Polish-Lithuanian and Polish-Belarusian relations.<\/p>\n

Visegrad was losing out in the contest with another regional project, in which Poland for many years invested the most energy and resources. It could be defined as pushing the post\u2011Soviet states towards the West \u2013 first the Baltic ones and then Ukraine. For obvious reasons Belarus was not as strongly pre\u2011 sent in this project. Ukraine was a priority for many years. The Orange Revolution seemed a culmination, a happy breakthrough, after which, it was believed, success was within reach. Later developments did not confirm these hopes and it only got worse. After 2005 President Lech Kaczy\u0144ski tried to build astonishing alliances with Kazakhstan, Azerbaijan, Georgia and Ukraine, while Tusk and Rados\u0142aw Sikorski, with the help of European resources and pressure of some EU countries, created the programme of the Eastern Partnership. The first of these strategies had a predictable end, while the Eastern Partnership is dying before our eyes and no one has an idea of how to rescue it. Even Moldova, the last country with promising European prospects, becomes deep\u2011 ly disappointing. Especially since alongside the cri\u2011 sis of the Eastern Partnership we have the growing economic, political and military dominance of Russia and the loss of vitality and will to expand its influence on the part of the European Union.<\/p>\n

Pragmatism has made Polish politicians put aside their Promethean visions for Ukraine and Belarus and focus on finding a\u00a0modus vivendi with Russia; as economic cooperation with Russia has become an\u00a0important factor of Polish economic growth and enhancing the\u00a0Polish political position within the\u00a0EU. The\u00a0policy of consistent siding with Germany in all crucial European debates \u2013 a\u00a0kind of Polish\u2011German partnership \u2013 has created an\u00a0opportunity for a\u00a0new status both against Russia and the\u00a0countries of Central Europe.<\/p>\n

This is the\u00a0context which calls for a\u00a0reappraisal of the\u00a0concept of Visegrad cooperation. We\u00a0should, therefore, conduct a\u00a0review of factors which could make it possible for Poland to breath new life into the\u00a0Visegrad Group project.<\/p>\n

First, Poland is no longer the poorest country in the Group. It has caught up with Hungary and the distance to the Czech Republic and Slovakia is significantly shorter. In many international rankings Poland is placed higher or only slightly lower than its neighbours. It is important that Slovakia is now almost up there with the Czech Republic, undermining its exclusive position. The Group is now more homogeneous economically, major privatisations have been completed so that interregional competition has lost its importance. Second, good relations with Poland are no longer an obstacle to relations with Germany and Russia. Third, Poland is more stable and responsible politically. You could say it enjoys a better opinion than some of the other countries of the Group (for example the good marks for the Polish European presidency and the growing difficulties of Hungary on the international scene). Fourth, the lack of prospects for focusing on Ukraine or Belarus makes strengthening Central European relations an obvious priority. Data showing a dynamic increase in trade relations with the countries of the Group leave no room for doubt here. The Czech Republic is the fourth largest economic partner of Poland and Hungary has joined the first ten.<\/p>\n

Despite all this I do not think these assets are sufficient. For the problem is that today, it is difficult to define a community of interests of Central European countries and still less to name specific pro\u2011 jects. The defence policy is not such a project, for the Visegrad countries spend so little on arms that they could be said to be disarming themselves. Only Poland spends two per cent of its budget on defence, while in the remaining countries these expenditures are much below one per cent. A Combat Visegrad Group is more of an idea than a reality. Its success would require a change of thinking on military questions on the part of our partners.<\/p>\n

In the energy policy you see no will for common action. Slovakia counts on good relations with Russia, the Czech Republic wants to drive out Orlen from its territory, Hungary has stabbed the Nabucco pipeline project in the back, and to the astonishment of all observers it suddenly became a supporter of Putin\u2019s South Stream. You hear much about interconnectors, but the largest investments are into connecting Czech pipelines with the Nord Stream system, which means that developing the North-South gas axis (\u015awinouj\u015bcie\u2013Krk) no longer seems to make sense. Until now, Slovakia has been buying Russian natural gas about 20 per cent cheaper than Poland and for Hungary this figure is 25 per cent, which might explain the differences in energy policy.<\/p>\n

The attitudes towards the eurozone, which is a new stage of European integration, could hardly be more divergent. Slovakia is already part of it, the Czechs are deliberating on how to join it. The economic situation of Hungary does not allow it to consider the adoption of the common currency in the foreseeable future. Poland is at the stage on debating the\u00a0 possible date and faces the\u00a0 al\u2011 most impossible but necessary task of amending the constitution.<\/p>\n

Fortunately, at\u00a0least one potential conflict is al\u2011 ready behind us. All countries of the\u00a0Group belonged to the\u00a0circle of \u201cfriends of cohesion policy\u201d, but in fact found themselves in a\u00a0position called the\u00a0\u201cprisoner\u2019s dilemma\u201d by psychologists \u2013 it is still not clear what will be more profitable \u2013 loyalty or betrayal. The\u00a0Czechs sent unambiguous signals that they were not willing to die for the\u00a0Regional Development Fund, which is understandable, for they may soon become net payers, and that means a\u00a0different perspective than the\u00a0Polish or Hungarian one. Such conflicts of interests are more numerous, more or less adroitly concealed during the\u00a0ritualised meetings of ministers or parliamentary delegations. Negotiations on the\u00a0long\u2011term financial framework did not break the\u00a0Group\u2019s solidarity and confirmed the\u00a0initiating role of Poland. The\u00a0last meeting in Warsaw, with Visegrad Group leaders joined by French and German heads of government, was an\u00a0evident indication of this status.<\/p>\n

Nevertheless, I\u00a0am convinced that we\u00a0are strongly suffering from a\u00a0lack of \u201cVisegrad projects\u201d, a\u00a0lack of ideas which could organise a\u00a0political community of interests. It is true that the\u00a0frequency of high\u2011level meetings is incomparable with any other region\u2011 al grouping, but there are no undertakings which would be available, comprehensible and important for the\u00a0citizens of Visegrad countries. The\u00a0V4 Group is a\u00a0pastime for the\u00a0elites rather than an\u00a0experience of societies.<\/p>\n

And yet in the last 20 years a Visegrad generation, so to speak, has grown up or matured. What has emerged is a whole generation of people who have travelled the same path: acquiring civil rights and opening borders, the establishment of democratic institutions, the development of free economy, privatisation and finally, European integration. This provides an unprecedented common experience of similarity of fate. It provides a political capital in a real sense of the term.<\/p>\n

And therefore it is so painful that after 20 years we still do not see the readiness to create a permanent secretariat of the Visegrad Group, which would be a kind of \u201cinstitutional memory\u201d, although there is much talk about the importance attached to this co\u2011 operation by particular governments. How to explain the fact the official website of the Group is unable to present its entire content in four national languages but only in English, and only a few fragments are translated into the languages of the member countries? How to explain the fact that after 20 years of co\u2011 operation and huge investment in road infrastructure between the countries of the Group, there are virtually no motorway or expressway links between them? And the subject of railway links is better passed over in silence.<\/p>\n

And yet, not so much is needed to be done in this domain. This is a\u00a0 cursory review of motor\u2011 way and expressway links between the countries of the Group: \u017dilina (SK) \u2013 Bielsko\u2011Bia\u0142a (PL), Miskolc (H) \u2013 Kosice (SK), \u017dilina (SK) \u2013 Ostrava (CZ), Pop\u2011 rad (SK) \u2013 Rzesz\u00f3w (PL), and a somewhat larger project Hradec Kr\u00e1lov\u00e9 (CZ) \u2013 Legnica (PL), as well as two stretches along the Budapest\u2013Krakow axis: Budapest (H) \u2013 Zvolen (SK) and Bansk\u00e1 Bystrica (SK) \u2013 Lubie\u0144 (PL). Building these roughly 500 kilometres of roads would connect the hitherto independent motorway networks and form a continuous system. But it requires a more comprehensive linkage to external networks. It is mind\u2011boggling that the Czech Republic still does not have a motorway connection with Austria, while Hungary and Slovakia have only one, through the Bratislava\u2013Vienna hub. Between Vienna and Brno just a short stretch Mistelbach \u2013 Poho\u0159elice is missing; not many longer stretches are also needed: Linz \u2013 \u010cesk\u00e9 Bud\u011bjovice, and Graz \u2013 Sz\u00e9kesfeh\u00e9rv\u00e1r. The next group concerns connections with Romania: Szeged \u2013 Timi\u015foara, and Hajd\u00faszoboszl\u00f3 \u2013 Oradea \u2013 Cluj\u2011Napoca; with Ukraine: Przemy\u015bl \u2013 Lviv, and Ny\u00edregyh\u00e1za \u2013 Mukachevo; and with Belarus: Mi\u0144sk Mazowiecki \u2013 Kobrin, the missing link in the Berlin \u2013 Warsaw \u2013 Moscow corridor. This package is another 500 kilometres of new roads where four neigh\u2011 bour countries need to be involved. Could two such investment packages not form a common project of the Group under the programme Connecting Europe and the Eastern Partnership? The cost would cer\u2011 tainly be no higher than ten per cent of the resources from the cohesion policy addressed to the countries of the Group.<\/p>\n

The noble Visegrad Fund boasts of a ridiculous sum of 9 million euros, from equal contributions of the member states. This is of course an unfair arrangement. Membership fees should be proportional to the GDP of the V4 countries. If we measure it by purchasing power (see Eurostat data) and assume that Slovakia pays 3 million euros, that is slightly more than now, then Hungary should pay 4.5 million, the Czech Republic 6 million and Poland 18 million. With a budget to the tune of more than 30 million euros, the Fund could finance large and serious grant programmes, both in the V4 and V4+ formula. It could also become an important sponsor of radio and TV production, and perhaps also of the protection of cultural heritage and promoting the image of the countries of the region in non-EU markets, especially in Asia and America.<\/p>\n

The financial needs of the Visegrad Fund as an institution supporting educational and integrative trips for young people are important as the history and culture of our countries transcends the traditional curricula in teaching European history, literature and culture. The result is that being close to each other we remain mutually unknown and very often enslaved by stereotypes. This is just a handful of examples showing that there is a potential for deeper cooperation within the Group, that a new life can be breathed into it. Unfortunately, the overabundance of goals declared by, for example, the Polish presidency of the V4 Group as well as by the Czech presidency, shows that this institution is not treated seriously. Visegrad has become a ritual. Important politics are elsewhere. Although at opposition rallies and marches in Poland people shout \u201cWe want Budapest\u201d, the authors of such slogans certainly do not mean the Visegrad community.<\/p>\n

\u00a0<\/em>Translated from the Polish by Tomasz Biero\u0144<\/em><\/p>\n<\/div>\r\n\r\n <\/div>\r\n <\/div>\r\n <\/div>\r\n<\/section>\r\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"","protected":false},"featured_media":3232,"parent":0,"menu_order":0,"template":"","meta":{"_acf_changed":false,"inline_featured_image":false,"footnotes":""},"tags":[337,125,395,397],"region":[],"kraj":[],"magazyn":[231],"class_list":["post-2710","artykul","type-artykul","status-publish","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","tag-history","tag-hungary","tag-visegrad","tag-visegrad-group","magazyn-herito-10en"],"acf":[],"yoast_head":"\nVisegrad on the Wane - herito<\/title>\n<meta name=\"description\" content=\"We are strongly suffering from a lack of \u201cVisegrad projects\u201d, a lack of ideas which could organise a political community of interests. 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